So, yes, I support the outcomes of this ruling just as much as I support the reasoning. Congress needs to get its act together and legislate, not let the Executive branch make up rules to fill the void they've left.

Congress did grant the EPA that authority; the ruling is an objection to the principle that Congress can make broad grants of authority.

Delegation of authority is key to every effective organization. Imagine corporations were governed like this, and any time a new service or feature was rolled out, the Board of Directors would have to explicitly sign off on it. Work would grind to a halt.

Which is exactly the point of this ruling, to make the federal government even more ineffectual than it already is as part of an ideological crusade.

> Capping carbon dioxide emissions at a level that will force a nationwide transition away from the use of coal to generate electricity may be a sensible "solution to the crisis of the day." But it is not plausible that Congress gave the EPA the authority to adopt on its own such a regulatory scheme in Section 111(d). A decision of such magnitude and consequence rests with Congress itself, or an agency acting pursuant to a clear delegation from that representative body.

It seems pretty clear that Congress does have the authority to delegate, but that the Court ruled that Congress didn't intend to do so. This ruling places the ball firmly in Congress's court, it doesn't rule that Congress cannot act.

[0] https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/20-1530_n758.pdf

> Thus, in certain extraordinary cases, both separation of powers principles and a practical understanding of legislative intent make us “reluctant to read into ambiguous statutory text” the delegation claimed to be lurking there. To convince us otherwise, something more than a merely plausible textual basis for the agency action is necessary. The agency instead must point to “clear congressional authorization” for the power it claims.

I can find nowhere where they say that Congress cannot delegate broad powers, only that it's not obvious that Congress did or that they intended to. Do you have a citation to the contrary, or are you making assumptions based on the news coverage?

Imagine Congress passes an act next year banning abortion, and creates a new agency to enforce that act. The next year, a new method is invented that can induce abortions. Can that agency regulate it? By the logic of the Court, it can't, because Congress never explicitly authorized regulation of that particular form of abortion (because it didn't exist yet).

https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2013-title42/html...

If you think that isn't a broad, explicit grant of authority to regulate air pollution from stationary sources, I don't know what to tell you.

The majority on the decision are basically saying, "well, my gut says they didn't mean that much authority, so we're going to shut down this program."

The term "system of emissions reduction" means control technology like scrubbers. What the law says is that the EPA can do is look at the state of the art for things like particulate matter scrubbers, and set an emissions standard based on the reduction that can be achieved using those technologies.

But it's infeasible using current technology to scrub out CO2 from power plant emissions.

So the Majority asserts. The law, however, specifies nothing of the sort and intentionally uses broad phrasing.

The plain meaning of "system of emissions reduction" is "a set of measures that work together to reduce emissions" (as the EPA itself points out). And this is consistent with usage elsewhere in the Clean Air Act: in it, Congress refers to a cap-and-trade setup as an "emission allocation and transfer system." Systems clearly can be things that aren't just control technology.

The Majority is inventing an arbitrary and unsupported narrow definition of system for ideological reasons.

Apart from being clear from the individual statutory provisions, that’s the premise of the statute as a whole. The whole idea was that the EPA could limit emissions to the point that existing point sources could go out and buy equipment to meet the emissions criteria. The statute thus talks about BACT versus RACT and LEAR and whatnot. (I took a bunch of classes in environmental law in law school.)

If you read “system” to be a nonce word that can refer to any possible measure, then the statute makes no sense. The EPA could just pick an arbitrary emissions limit, and demand industry-level restructuring to hit that limit. That’s exactly what Congress was trying to avoid by imposing that requirement.

The statute as a whole clearly delineates between when it means to limit authority to technological systems of control. Elsewhere in different provisions, Congress declined to give the EPA broad authority as it does in 111, using phrasing like

"reflect the greatest degree of emission reduction achievable through the application of technology."

"best available retrofit technology"

"best available control technology"

"maximum achievable control technology"

Congress clearly was conscious of the difference between technological systems and more general ones, and it declined to limit the EPA's authority here to technological systems.

But the fact that those other things are all emissions control technologies strongly suggests that “system of emissions reduction” is referring to a some kind of emissions control technology, not a wholesale change in the operation of the industry.

If a statute addressed SVN, git, Mercurial, and CVS, and then had a catch all referring to “system for version control,” how would you read the meaning of the latter term?

Look at it this way. Wouldn’t it be odd for Congress to go to all the trouble of enumerating all these levels of emissions control technologies that apply in different situations (new sources versus old sources) and then have this catch-all provision that gives the EPA sweeping powers far beyond unrelated to emissions control technologies?

The court has stated if they want to extend their authority to the level they are enacting then congress must pass laws to expressly denote that intention.

States have rights in the original law. They are exercising this right and the court has agreed with them.

I think the last sentence in the original article sum's up why people are truly upset. Remember the court didn't say the EPA can't do these things in the future just that Congress would have to give it the authority.

From the original article:

"It's now clear this court will turn a sceptical eye to agency attempts to cite vague or broad laws to enact any sort of major regulatory changes. That's a significant development, given how difficult it has been for Congress to pass substantive new legislation in recent years. The time when presidents could find unilateral "work-arounds" in existing law may be coming to an end."

[0] https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2013-title42/html...

Where, exactly, are you claiming that the EPA ran afoul of the law?

Note the portion that states "taking into account the cost of achieving such reduction". This is in the very first paragraph. The argument is that they have not adequately done this.

It's about damn time if you ask me. As a country we need to hold our elected representatives accountable. We send legislators to congress to legislate not to simply be talking heads who pass the buck.

Also, consistently and repeatedly asking others to research for you is an easy debating tactic used frequently to bury inconvenient facts behind a barrage of requests.

I love it when textualists go anti-textualist.

If people are going to espouse an absolutist ideology, they should at least be consistent.

To use an analogy, nobody is saying that the DOJ needs authority to create drug diversion programs. But this is like the DOJ pointing to the drug laws to justify a sweeping effort to combat the obesity epidemic.

Restructuring the energy industry to address climate is a different solution to a different problem, related only by the commonality of emissions into air. It’s like using drug laws to regulate processed foods because both involve harm caused by ingesting things.

> Section 111(d) thus ensures that EPA regulates existing power plants’ emissions of all pollutants. When the pollutant at issue falls within the NAAQS or HAP programs, EPA need do no more. But when the pollutant falls outside those programs, Section 111(d) requires EPA to set an emissions level for currently operating power plants (and other stationary sources). That means no pollutant from such a source can go unregulated: As the Senate Report explained, Section 111(d) guarantees that “there should be no gaps in control activities pertaining to stationary source emissions that pose any significant danger to public health or welfare.” S. Rep. No. 91–1196, p. 20 (1970). Reflecting that language, the majority calls Section 111(d) a “gap-filler.” Ante, at 5. It might also be thought of as a backstop or catch-all provision, protecting against pollutants that the NAAQS and HAP programs let go by. But the section is not, as the majority further claims, an “ancillary provision” or a statutory “backwater.” Ante, at 20, 26. That characterization is a non-sequitur. That something is a backstop does not make it a backwater. Even if they are needed only infrequently, see ante, at 6, 20, backstops can perform a critical function—and this one surely does. Again, Section 111(d) tells EPA that when a pollutant—like carbon dioxide—is not regulated through other programs, EPA must undertake a further regulatory effort to control that substance’s emission from existing stationary sources. In that way, Section 111(d) operates to ensure that the Act achieves comprehensive pollution control.

That's pretty damn explicit.

That's pretty clearly a broad delegation of regulatory authority.

That's entirely incorrect, please read the article.

The majority believes that's too broad a grant and that usage of that authority needs a second authorization from Congress.

This is objectively false, the supreme court just ruled that. Like it or not, they are the sole authority on said issues / decisions.

Four. A tail is a tail, regardless of what you call it.

Congress intended to grant the EPA broad authority to regulate pollution, but the SCOTUS said that that's invalid.

The Supreme Courts job is to determine if something was legal, they were granted the authority by the people. If we want to change that, congress (the people's representation) can amend the constitution.

Congress can also clarify by granted the authority (as the justices explained). At any point in the last 7 years (while this court case has been ongoing), congress could have enacted the laws, they discussed them. The regulations didn't pass. The supreme court pointed that out.

Why would congress put forth these rules if they had already granted the EPA the authorization? -- because the EPA never had such authority.

No, they invented that authority for themselves in Marbury v. Madison[1]. Judicial review, the idea that SCOTUS can decide whether the actions of the executive or legislative branch are legal, is contained nowhere in the constitution.

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Marbury_v._Madison

My reading is that it gives authority to federal courts to determine if a law has or has not been violated. What would the other intent be of creating a judicial branch? (Not said with snark, just curious).

"You give (a) Authority to a system of federal courts to judge whether or not a law has been violated..."[1]

[1] Findlay, B.A. and Findlay, E.B., 1919. Your Rugged Constitution: How Americas House of Freedom is Planned and Built. -.

Congress makes a law. The Executive branch executes the law. The Supreme Court interprets whether that law was broken during its execution.

If you take out that third leg, is the assumption that Congress must revoke the law to provide a check/balance? What if the intent was good, but the execution was bad?

If so, what's the solution? Term-limits on judges? But then doesn't that ensure they will be even more politicized?

There is the 9th and 10th amendment that do not seem to get much coverage in court rulings.

The 9th amendment is made to ensure the federal govt doesn't have sway over unspecified rights; is your thought that the States would enumerate those rights separately?

In any event, I suspect you're right. It seems like the the balance of power may be more biased than the founders intended.

The balance of power has definitely changed since the countries founding. If you read about the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions of 1798, you don't see states doing this anymore.

Also of course, this is exactly the separation of powers, which is completely fundamental in all western societies.

:laughcryemoji

> Congress can also clarify by granted the authority (as the justices explained). At any point in the last 7 years (while this court case has been ongoing), congress could have enacted the laws, they discussed them.

There's no need to explicitly grant authority for authority already granted. If Congress wanted to change the scope of the EPA's authority, Congress could just as well have passed a law stripping the EPA of that authority. It didn't.

CO2 is not pollution. People and animals breathe it out. Plants breathe it in. Any such thing is obviously not pollution. The EPA calling it "pollution" does not make it pollution, any more than calling a dog's tail a leg makes it a leg.

If Congress wants to grant the EPA authority to regulate things that are obviously not pollution, in order to promote some other policy objective, it needs to say so explicitly. Which is exactly what the Court's opinion says.

Even if you personally dispute it, Congress explicitly granted the EPA the authority to determine what's an air pollutant and what's not:

> For the purpose of establishing national primary and secondary ambient air quality standards, the Administrator shall within 30 days after December 31, 1970, publish, and shall from time to time thereafter revise, a list which includes each air pollutant—emissions of which, in his judgment, cause or contribute to air pollution which may reasonably be anticipated to endanger public health or welfare;

The fact that all of the parties and judges are calling a tail a leg, still doesn't make it a leg.

And the SCOTUS has the authority to rule on whether the EPA's rulemaking is within its statutory authority or not. Which is what it did today. So why are you objecting? Both governmental entities are exercising their authority. The fact that one such exercise, the EPA's, is one you like, and the other such exercise, the Court's is one you don't like, is irrelevant, according to your own logic, just as it's irrelevant, according to your own logic, that the EPA's rule under review here defies logic, common sense, and the plain meaning of words.

So, sure, I'm criticizing the Court's decision, because it's an incoherent and ideologically motivated decision. Doing so helps remove the mystique of the SCOTUS justices as some kind of apolitical actors in the sytem.

No, you are the one who shifted your ground, not me. You started out arguing that calling a tail a leg doesn't make it one--but you only applied that argument (incorrectly, in my opinion, but that's beside the present point) to the SCOTUS decision you didn't like, not to the EPA rulemaking you liked. Then, when I called you on it, you retreated to the argument that the EPA is just exercising its authority--which applies just as much to SCOTUS. So make up your mind: are you going to base your position on actual logic, common sense, and the plain meaning of words, or on government entities exercising their authority no matter what?

> I'm criticizing the Court's decision, because it's an incoherent and ideologically motivated decision.

I disagree that it is, since it's just pointing out that Congress didn't intend to delegate to the EPA the sweeping authority to restructure the entire energy sector of the economy, even if we accept that CO2 is a "pollutant" for the sake of argument. The statute does not give the EPA authority to regulate pollutants however it wants. It only gives it the authority to do so in certain ways.

That said, however, I'm criticising the EPA's rulemaking on the same grounds that you are criticizing the SCOTUS decision: that it's incoherent and ideologically motivated. Any such criticism presupposes that just because a government entity has the formal authority to do something, doesn't make it right. So it is no answer to my criticism to say that the EPA was just exercising its authority.

Suppose I piss in your drink. Have I polluted it, or will you drink it?

'It's not pollution if it comes out of animals' doesn't make much sense.

That's not the argument I was making. The argument I was making is that the presence of CO2 in the atmosphere is part of a natural process that all living organisms, including us humans, engage in. The presence of your piss in my drink is not.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ketogenesis

That said, since these are products of the animal's metabolism, I would not consider them pollution if they're just being exhaled into the surrounding air outdoors. If you bring your animal into my climate controlled clean room and have it exhale the compounds there, that would be different--but I doubt the EPA would be the first line of defense in regulating behavior of that sort.

Meaning, you can claim they are bias, but the EPA still doesn't have said authority.

Nothing you, I or any pundit says will change that. At least until congress grants it said authority. Which as SCOTUS pointed out, congress tried to do, but congress didn't pass the legislation. Now.. why would congress try to pass legislation if the EPA already had said authority?

You're arguing for simply the ability to execute the will to power being the determinant of whether something is right or not. Which is entirely your prerogative, but you should be aware of what you're signing up for.

What is the function of the supreme court? (seriously, what do you think it's job is?)

It said congress didn't authorize this, ask them. I don't see how that's at all controversial.

They did. The House and Senate passed different language, and it never got reconciled.

"The first related to an oversight during the reconciliation of the Clean Air Act amendment in 1990 that resulted in the House and Senate versions of § 7411(d) to never be reconciled, and both versions were codified into the signed law. The House version had stated that because other parts of the Clean Air Act had covered regulation of carbon dioxide, the EPA could not use § 7411(d) to cover carbon dioxide emissions from existing plants, while the Senate version allowed for § 7411(d) to overlap carbon dioxide emissions coverage." - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_Virginia_v._EPA

Due to a fuckup, SCOTUS got to pick the side they preferred.

Regulatory agencies exist based on the theory that Congress can leave it to agencies to "fill in the details" of a law as part of the executive discretion about how to enforce the law. In the Clean Air Act, Congress gave the EPA authority to pick toxic pollutants to regulate, and to specify the use of particular emissions control technologies like scrubbers.

What this case was about was whether this grant of authority could be fairly read to encompass telling entire industries what power generation mix they must use.

This is not like requiring the CEO to sign off on a minor bug fix. The reasoning of the Court is that industry-wide changes in power generation mix have sweeping effects on the country, and require specific authorization. Even huge companies routinely require executive approval for major new initiatives that will incur major costs to the company.

> (1) The term "standard of performance" means a standard for emissions of air pollutants which reflects the degree of emission limitation achievable through the application of the best system of emission reduction which (taking into account the cost of achieving such reduction and any nonair quality health and environmental impact and energy requirements) the Administrator determines has been adequately demonstrated.

Congress intentionally broadly authorized the EPA to determine and implement the best system for reducing pollutants such as carbon emissions, and used language pursuant to that. Just because it offends certain Justices' sensibilities and ideological predilections doesn't mean that they can choose to ignore clearly stated parts of lawfully enacted statutes.

They wouldn't, at least not to a court's face. You mention "Chevron deference" below, but the whole idea behind Chevron deference is that agencies are exercising executive discretion in enforcing the law, not making new ones.

> There IS a separation of powers and checks and balances. Congress even passed the "congressional review act" in 1996 which allows them by a majority vote to undo an agencies decision if they feel they've stepped too far.

The Constitution gives the power to make laws to Congress. Full stop.

> Rather than apply straight forward and obvious rules that have been around for at least 30 years (Chevron deference), the supreme court has decided to take a politically activist route and instead decide cases based on their own political leanings.

Judges in the mid-20th century engaged in massive political activism to rewrite the Constitution from whole cloth. Undoing that tomfoolery is not itself "political activism."

> You can predict, like clockwork, how the justices will vote on any case with any sort of political implication based on who appointed them. Isn't that distressing?

It distresses me that you can predict how liberal justices will vote on any significant case. It brings me great relief that conservative justices are full of surprises. Just in the last few years, ACB was supposed to overturn Obamacare (she voted to uphold it), Gorsuch and Kavanaugh were supposed to find that the Civil Rights Act doesn't protect sexual orientation, etc.

You're being unfair to the liberal justices here --- there are surprising votes from liberals on QI cases (Rivas-Villegas, Talehquah), habeas (Brown v Davenport), state secrets (Zubaydah), social spending (Vaella-Madero), and immigration (Aleman Gonzalez). You cannot simply predict a liberal justice's opinion from their ideological inclinations. Not even Breyer, who is the most boring liberal justice (he wrote the opinion on Zubaydah).

Meanwhile: Gorsuch is often surprising --- not just on the Native American sovereignty cases, but also on habeas (Shoop) and immigration (Patel, an excellent Gorsuch dissent).

The other conservative justices? Not so much! In particular: you can reliably predict Alito and Thomas, the two most blinkered justices on the court regardless of ideology.

By the way, and apropos nothing here, everyone should read Egbert v Boule, not just because it's absolutely the most ludicrous (and funny) case you'll ever read about that reaches SCOTUS, but because it's a far-reaching and bad decision.

I think an overlooked aspect in all of this is how dramatically judicial philosophy has changed in the past few decades, across the board. Breyer, Kennedy, O’Conner, and Alito were from a generation that believed in the notion of judging as dispensing justice from on high. Younger folks like Kagan are uncomfortable with that even when though they seek to preserve liberal precedents built on that sort of judging.

The result of that is that younger conservatives find these older precedents incomprehensible, and younger liberals have a tough time defending them on the merits. Egbert v. Boule is a good example. I think the dissent probably had the better argument if we think of Bivens as anything more than an aberration that ought to be limited to its facts. But I struggled in reading the dissent to find any reason to treat Bivens as correctly decided. I remember being skeptical of Bivens when I first encountered it as a 1L, but to my recollection the opinion at least offset the tenuous reasoning with flowing judicial rhetoric. Sotomayor’s dissent, written in a modern analytical style, doesn’t even accomplish that.

To be fair, you can do this with judges on both sides of the partisan divide.

It's good and appropriate to recognize that the Court is a fundamentally political institution and not some mere interpreter of law, and being distressed over that implies that the Court could be some idealized, nonpolitical institution. That's not a useful way to model the Court and never has been.

At the supreme court level? Yes, because it takes 4 votes to chose which case gets cert and we have 6 activist justices that want to completely rewrite jurisprudence for political gain. How are the liberal justices supposed to vote when the questions often being asked are now "Hey, should we overrule this long standing precedent for political motivations?"

However, standard jurisprudence isn't nearly this bad in the federal court level. The outcomes there can be far more difficult to predict based on who appointed them.

> It's good and appropriate to recognize that the Court is a fundamentally political institution and not some mere interpreter of law, and being distressed over that implies that the Court could be some idealized, nonpolitical institution. That's not a useful way to model the Court and never has been.

While I don't disagree, unfortunately the constitution was setup with the notion that the SC would be above political divide (hence, being unelected and having lifetime appointments.)

I certainly wouldn't mind some sort of constitutional amendment trying to address that. Though, I just don't see it as likely.

To use an engineering analogy, if the government were a software application, this is very much like a senior engineer going on a major refactor of a production system, causing huge breaking changes for the sake of "principles", without consulting product, CS or QA. For the sake of argument, lets grant that there's some force to those principles. Is that justification for suddenly breaking a system that was working and causing a massive amount of confusion for downstream users that were blindsided and now have to do massive updates of their own?

Okay, now lets suppose that the same senior engineer was secretly (or perhaps even openly) beating the drum for some feature changes behind the scenes, and nobody liked the features he was proposing. Now after the refactor, it turns out that for "technical reasons" the features now work the way HE wanted them to. When asked, he claims it wasn't a political decision, it was driven purely by engineering concerns, "cleaning up tech debt" and so forth, he claims. Might it seem to you that the refactor was just a smokescreen for just getting the feature changes he wanted into production?

If this engineer was at your company, would you keep them on, or fire them as soon as possible?

Now according to your argument, you view SCOTUS as the engineering team, and Congress as the product team. You're saying that ten years after you release a feature, the technical lead can say "Hey, you remember that spec for those features we released to production 10 years ago? I think we did it wrong, we need to refactor it so it works right. Also that was the old engineering lead, and I never liked them anyway. It'll be a major breaking change, but that shouldn't be an obstacle to doing it right this time. Should we ask Product or the Executive team first? Of course not, we know what we're doing."

That's what the people with the creative interpretations on the constitution did. This is restoring to a previous commit before that happened.

SCOTUS isn't even really the engineering team imho, they're devops. If they're there just to enforce the rules, the rules are set just as much by precedent as by the letter of the law, since precedent is what is already working. They should just keep the system running and have a strong bias for favoring the status quo.

This court isn't "conservative" in the traditional sense; I would call them hyper-reactionary.

The court's job isn't to decide if the system runs well or not. It's to uphold the legal structure which was established long ago, because of the initial belief thaf in the long run a system without checks and balances will fall apart.

Federal branch agencies need clear limits to their power. There are many historical examples of why this matters. Congress failed to create clear limits for the EPA, and the court is telling them they need to do their job. That's the court's job.

I like seeing one branch of government do its job and keep another branch accountable. Nothing prevents Congress from granting them those powers explicitly - except for political will, which is exactly the point (agencies shouldn't be doing things for which there is no political will).

I think you're correct, but just to play devil's advocate...is it possible that as society get more complex, it prevents them from doing so? It's jarring to hear Congress talk about passing bills before they read them, but in the context of everything the would have to know in an increasingly complex society, it may be a sad fact that don't have the ability to both pragmatically and judiciously create laws.

Thinking in terms of software; it's easy to come up with hard rules for writing "Hello World" programs. But expand it to a space shuttle with hundreds of thousands of lines of codes, the number of interfaces grows so fast that creating centralized hard rules becomes nearly impossible.

If the system gets too large to effectively govern with understandable rules, then will be captured by special interests, which are the groups with the strongest incentives to create / understand these complex rules and use them to their advantage. This is called regulatory capture and the larger and more complex a system is, the more likely it will be captured.

This can be avoided by governing as close to the local level as possible (the subsidiary principle) so that you never have the complexity of governance grow to the point it gets captured.

Unfortunately strong central governments don't like their power being taken from them, and they are more powerful than any political organization within their territory, so in practice you have power move from local to national and rarely the other way around.

Central governance is, in some ways, a response to complexity. If you extend the "governing as close to the local level as possible" too far, you risk an unnuanced understanding because the local level can't be an expert on every system they interface with. For example, do you have the knowledge to accurately assess the risk when you take a flight? If you're like most people, you probably don't know enough about aircraft maintenance, or avionics, or pilot training etc. I know libertarians may disagree but don't think a mish-mash of localities helps in this case either, at least not in the short-to-medium term when you risk a lot of bad days before everyone agrees on a set of standards. This is exacerbated because of a lot of cognitive biases regarding how we perceive risk. Particularly with big systems with lots of complicated interfaces, the lowest level of effective governance may start looking an awful lot like a centralized government.

I would argue it could be better improved with fundamentally refocusing politicians attention. When half their time is spent campaigning, it obviously constrains their ability to craft policy.

Yes, and if Congress wanted to set these limits, they would do so.

Which, in the case of the EPA, they did.

The court looked at the limits, and decided they didn't like them.

So you believe the Supreme Court should not have ruled anti-racemixing laws unconstitutional, because they had been considered valid for 99 years since the passing of the 14th Amendment (which the Court used to justify its decision), whose authors were alive during much of that time, and hadn't mentioned that they've been made unconstitutional by its passing?

Or is it that if the court moves in one direction, that's okay and progress and living constitution. But if it moves back, that's hyper-reactionary and they should just maintain the status quo? In other words, you want a ratchet that only moves in the direction you like, even if it means ignoring the law in favor of the status quo (but only in cases where you like the status quo)?

The fact that West Virginia v. EPA was brought up in the first place indicates that the system was not working, at least for some stakeholders.

Even if the system was working for most stakeholders does not mean it was Constitutional. The Court's job is to determine legality, but they need to wait until a case is brought before them, whether it's immediately or 10 years later. It's due process.

If you want a political analogy, politically, there is no "right or wrong". SCOTUS is not motivated by adherence to precedent, they clearly have an ideological agenda.

They are not, for example, legalizing marijuana, on the grounds that the FDA should not have the authority to schedule drugs. They chose to go after environmental regulations because they ideologically prefer capitalist interests over environmental ones. It is brazenly political, as was their overturning of Roe vs Wade.

But the FDA DOES have the congressional mandate by law to schedule drugs even details regarding what those schedules are.

The difference here is the EPA does not have the mandated far the reaching authority they are enacting which would fundamentally change the entire economy.

Fixing this:

If the government were a software application, this is very much like a project led by three senior engineers for a system using a widely agreed upon Design that was flexible, but included boundaries. This consisted of Four major elements: (1) Codified Business Decisions, (2) Execution Environment, that mainly ran the project management, and the security (3) The Business Representatives, who created new Business Decisions, and a (4) User Community who ultimately controlled all of above, and paid all of the bills. The first three major elements regularly jockeyed for control over the software app. Over time, they deviated from the initial Design in ways that favored themselves and made the environment less favorable for the User Community. Business Decisions started to critique, and invent new business decisions out of thin air. Execution Environment tried to take over everything in spite of the agreed-upon Design, and existing Business Decisions. Even the Business Representatives went off the rails to favor the consultants that were treating them to fancy dinners instead of the business units they were sent to represent, and they started to define the future roadmap to include proprietary functionality, written by the consultants. But, the consultants also tried to subvert Codified Business Decisions and Execution Environment.

Over time, the User Community took actions to correct some of the most egregious errors by the Codified Business Decisions senior engineer that violated the original, as-modified Design. He did not receive an engineering change proposal that was funded and vetted by the Business Representatives, nope, he was just a cowboy. Through influence, they were able to impact the hiring of the newest crop of Senior Engineers, and revisit past errors. The new senior engineer in Codified Business Decisions revisited some of the decisions the User community claimed was encroaching. Codified Business Decisions finally stated that would undo what they determined was a bridge too far in a business decision that the Business Representatives had never supported broadly, and had never received agreement. They prioritized it as a fix in the sprint, and then pushed it. The fix came out, and the consultant class declared war. They'd been enriching themselves at the expense of the User Community for a long time. In a related topic, another member of the consultant class was caught by Execution Environment rentacops trying to assassinate a junior member of the Business Decisions Engineering Staff, for a similar decision with which the consultants disagreed. Other consultants declared they would kill off all the junior members of the Business Decisions group.

That said, I would like congress to take up the matter of clean air and water directly, instead of this cowering behind other agencies after abdicating of their duties.

Exactly - put them on the record voting for or against whatever they want - and the voters can vote to replace or keep those people based on how they actually voted - right now they all like to give speeches, raise money and not much else - congress, do your job, even if it costs you your job.

Totally: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/jun/23/us-justificati...

"Lawyers for the Obama administration, arguing for their ability to kill an American citizen without trial in Yemen, contended that the protection of US citizenship was effectively removed by a key congressional act that blessed a global war against al-Qaida. Known as the Authorization to Use Military Force (AUMF), the broad and controversial 2001 law played a major role in the legal decision to kill Anwar al-Awlaki, the former al-Qaida propagandist and US citizen, in 2011, according to a redacted memorandum made public on Monday."

I don't want the executive or the administration to use creative interpretations to allow themselves to legally become judge, jury and executioner through executive order (pun intended) that may be very hard to claw back.

The constitution and the supreme court are here for a good reason: to prevent such abuses.

I cringe sometime when I think about the potential burden of evidence not being brought forth to make a case that someone is a terrorist, and then getting droned.

> I don't want the executive or the administration to use creative interpretations to allow themselves to legally become judge, jury and executioner through executive order (pun intended) that may be very hard to claw back. The constitution and the supreme court are here for a good reason: to prevent such abuses.

Well said.

One man's freedom fighter, or terrorist, could one day become, one's political adversary.

> The judicial power shall extend to all cases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their authority ... --to controversies to which the United States shall be a party;

https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/articleiii

If congress, doesn't like the ruling, it can reverse it in legislation.

Leveraging the executive branch as the government creates a bipolar governance, every 4-8 years we have a totally different country and outcomes.

We need a functioning legislator.

How we go from here to there is unclear, but necessary

Others would say they are implementing the details of broad brushed Congressional laws.

That's simply not possible unless we have literal laws for every possible infraction - like a state machine for the human condition.

Luckily nothing stops Congress from making laws that clarify what they granted the EPA. If they were so fussed with the EPA doing what they were doing, why didn't they leap up and pass a law that told them to stop?

Why is it the court's job to tell congress what they meant to say? Is congress mute?

> Why is it the court's job to tell congress what they meant to say?

That's... not what they're doing. The court is telling Congress that if you want an agency to have the power to make vast, sweeping changes, then you have to be explicit. They don't get to create an agency and then just give them blanket authority to do anything they want, at any scale.

Congress is not mute. Congress speaks by passing laws. Any other, less formal means of speaking is the voice of members of Congress, not Congress as a whole.

The supreme court has no enforcement mechanism. It has no army, no police. Abiding by Supreme Court rulings is by tradition only.

>Where ambiguity exists, it is the court's job to interpret the law. That's literally the entire purpose of a court.

This is also by tradition only. The Constitution doesn't specify this, nor are there any laws that say this is the job of the court.

https://today.law.harvard.edu/scotus-preview-west-virginia-v...

> “Supporters of the major questions doctrine would characterize this as taking power away from agencies and giving it to Congress, because they would say Congress is democratically accountable, and therefore should be making the major policy decisions,” says Goho. “Critics would say, ‘No, what’s happening is you’re taking power away from agencies, which have some degree of democratic accountability to the president, and you are actually granting the power to the courts, which are not democratically accountable at all.’”

This is the first step in dismantling regulatory bodies on a federal level. I have no idea how people can be supportive of the decision. It seems insane to me.

People are dissilusioned by organizations out of their reach that can harm them, and they do not feel they are represented.

Iron Law is the name of the game for long standing organizations. That is, preserve the org first, not complete the mission. When you look into the deep history of federal corruption it's plain as day that it's overwhelmingly a political wheelhouse with only a sprinkle of objective.

Federal agencies that were once founded in earnest are long taken over by this principle. The founders have left the building.

This is a gross misrepresentation. Civil servants can follow processes within the bounds set by Congress and are required to follow agency processes which are set carefully, with deliberation and public comment. There are appeals processes and the court system as remedies.

Yes, you hear about “abuses” – that’s because there’s an entire industry pumping out propaganda to support outcomes like this. The vast majority of the time when you look at the details it turns out either to be substantially different than claimed or a problem created by the Congress which the agency would prefer not to be saddled with.

The underlying problem here is that the Congress keeps getting slower & less functional. Delegating power more broadly helps reduce the impacts of that but at some point we have to make the Congress work better and that’s really hard to do when one of the major parties has a platform based on the idea that the government should be dysfunctional.

Courts are no longer effective remedies for the average individual. The requirement of lawyers to operate courts excludes justice from anyone but the wealthy. As costs of education and elitism rise lawyers are becoming increasingly harder to find.

Large government is by nature dysfunctional. Same as mega corps. The larger you get the more inefficiency you attract and the more you can push out competition. As this increases people want anti trust.

The people want anti trust applied to the federal government.

[1]: I'm trying to find the source. Something to do with the commerce clause I think. There was a court case where the government clearly argued that even local actions inside the state count as interstate commerce. Edit: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wickard_v._Filburn?wprov=sfla1

By the same logic, I can never collect my own rain water as it would impact interstate commerce.

Similarly, I could never have a free school play for parents, because I would be taking money away from local theaters, and that would eventually resonate to interstate commerce.

The Constitution's interstate commerce clause has been purposely misinterpreted to mean regulation of commerce within a state if you can abstract nth order effects to another state. In actuality, all it is supposed to to is allow the regulation of commerce across state lines, meaning regulation on the transport of materials from one state to another.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wickard_v._Filburn?wprov=sfla1

"""The Supreme Court decision ignored and damaged long-standing Constitutional principles designed to limit the power of the judiciary. Courts are not allowed to just issue pronouncements of what they think the law should be. They can only act to resolve a real controversy between adverse parties and enforce the will of Congress. Instead, the court changed a lawfully enacted statute without having any final or even proposed regulation before it. There is no “case or controversy” here, which for 200 years has been a rock-solid prerequisite for judicial action. Hence, the opinion violates the long-standing separation of powers principle, which until now, has restrained the judiciary from ideological adventuring."""

It appears the court has done exactly what you said they cannot. If you disagree then I would ask: What case was brought before the court before they made this ruling?

West Virginia vs. EPA was the case this ruling was made on. The article is whining because the regulation that West Virginia sued the EPA over was already pulled back, and somehow that means they can't be sued anymore? Completely disagree with that line of thinking.

That's not guaranteed. Has it been challenged?

Features like the Electoral College can lead to different incentives in close elections, but even that does not systematically favor Republicans. As recently as 2012, the Electoral College favored Democrats. Obama would have won in 2012 even if he had lost the popular vote: https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/did-democrats-get-lucky... ("President Obama won the Electoral College fairly decisively last year despite a margin of just 3.8 percentage points in the national popular vote. In fact, Mr. Obama would probably have won the Electoral College even if the popular vote had slightly favored Mitt Romney.")

Cherry-picked stats are banal.

Democrats won almost 5 million more votes in the CURRENT election, which is more than the entire population of Mississippi and West Virginia combined. That's why it's not unfair to claim a "minority rule" at play.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2020_United_States_House_of_Re...

https://simple.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_U.S._states_by_pop...

> As recently as 2012, the Electoral College favored Democrats. Obama would have won in 2012 even if he had lost the popular vote

Except he didn't lose the popular vote. That "honor" is reserved for the last 2 republican presidents (2000 & 2016)

[0] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_Carolina%27s_12th_congre...

[1] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/North_Carolina%27s_12th_congre...

[2] https://www.nccivitas.org/2016/a-look-back-sheds-light-on-re...

[3] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_B._Black

Because it clearly shows the president is not picked by the people but through an abstraction that steals voting power from some and gives it to others.

> The popular vote was never intended to decide presidential elections.

And black people counted as 3/5th, women couldn’t vote, black people couldn’t vote, the entire bill of rights, and more were “never intended”. That’s such a silly argument.

If people want to talk in an echo chamber (or to themselves) , than by all means, they should make every assumption they want.

If you want to talk about the issue, then address the root: Should states have power beyond their proportional population in congress and presidential elections?

This is a much more interesting discussion.

For congress I say no, but I would support states allocating their electoral college to match how their state votes, like Maine or Nebraska, opposed to winner take all.

That "abstraction" is known as "degressive proportionality" [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Degressive_proportionality], which is also used by the EU to apportion seats in the European Parliament. The US's system aims to make sure that the President is elected by a broad base of voters across disparate states, the same way the EU elects its Chief Executive (today that's Ursula von der Leyen) in a manner that dilutes the power of highly populated Member States. You generally use counter-majoritarian institutions like equal representation and/or degressive proportionality if what you're trying to build is a Federal union, and not a unitary state. The United States is not and has never been a unitary state. The individual States are unitary in nature; it's impossible to elect the Governor of a State without winning the popular vote, in that State.

> And black people counted as 3/5th, women couldn’t vote, black people couldn’t vote, the entire bill of rights, and more were “never intended”. That’s such a silly argument.

This is a non-sequitur. The counter-majoritarian institutions of the Federal government aren't unique to the US (see: Australia's Senate, Switzerland's Council of States, Argentina's Senate, Mexico's Senate, the EU), and is certainly unrelated to the very real evils of slavery or disenfranchisement of Black people. It's just a way to organize large heterogeneous polities. The same way that it doesn't make sense to invalidate the Constitution's right to a free/fair trial just because it also happened to include some unrelated bad things, so too is slavery entirely irrelevant to the question of whether the US ought to be a Federal union. The core question at hand is: should the US be a unitary country or should it be a Federal country. As long as it's a Federal country (i.e. the status quo), you will have counter-majoritarian institutions at the Federal level.

Even in Canada, the Prime Minister's party won fewer votes than the rival party, but still won more seats in Parliament. In 2019(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2019_Canadian_federal_election) the Liberal party won ~6M votes and won 157 seats in Parliament, while the Conservative Party won ~6.2M votes but only won 121 seats. The same thing happened in 2021 (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2021_Canadian_federal_election... ~5.5M votes to 160 seats vs ~5.7M votes to 119 seats. This means that the plurality vote getter did not win the plurality of seats, and thereby did not enjoy the possibility to drive the formation of a majority coalition. The reason for this is that many of the Conservative Party's votes were clustered in specific parts of Canada, and there were diminishing returns to driving up large majorities in those clusters; you have to appeal to multiple disparate clusters. This is a feature and not a bug of Canada's Federal system, because the goal is to optimize for the breadth of voters, not just the depth of voters, especially at the Federal level where policy impacts everybody, and not just a single state/province.

And Republicans in California and New York feel like their vote doesn’t matter when it comes to the Presidential popular vote. So why do you act like that matters?

> Except he didn't lose the popular vote.

The point is that you can’t complain that the Electoral College is systematically stacked against Democrats.

You seem to try to imply that they are not important to legislation, which is just silly.

For Row. Court took power away from itself and gave it back to elected officials.

You can vote for those elected officials. This is democracy working as intended.

Not when elected officials can pick their voters and throw out the election results they don't like. Please join the rest of us in reality and not the la la land where our system is working or even healthy.

The elected officials never lost this power, if congress didn't want the EPA to do something they could draft and vote on a bill to that effect by Tuesday.

The united states has never been a democracy. The united states was designed with a state being a nation, each nation joined a federation (the united states). This is similar to the EU (they're following the same model).

Your local governments still have WAY more power over your life than the federal government. Think about your daily life, when you drive do you worry about speeding in town? If you do, that's because your local government. Local taxes, approvals for construction, education, health services, power, etc is all decided locally.

Local governments are decided within a community, they can ignore federal laws. Local officials are decided via a democratic way, direct votes. IMO that's actually becoming stronger, as the federal government weakens, it returns the power to where it belongs people and local government.

This was true a 100 years ago, i don't know if it's true anymore. My retirement, how much i pay in taxes, can I get healthcare, what does that healthcare look like, how much pollutants can the power plant produce, how safe is the car I drive, and many more questions are determined by the federal government.

Each state has the same weight in the senate because they are all equal players in that space.

The house has the bias towards population.

Most regulation is supposed to take place at the state level.

Except they represent wildly different populations and all have equal say in the senate.

> The house has the bias towards population.

One that has been capped by the DC Admission Act and perverted by gerrymandering.

> Most regulation is supposed to take place at the state level.

Says who? How in the world does that work for things like pollution (which isn't stopped at state lines) or basic rights such as the right to love who you love and/or get married?

Says the Constitution... 10th Ammendment: any power not explicitly enumerated to congress is left to the states.

Article 1 Section 8 enumerates the powers that the federal government has, along with some granted through ammendments.

How is a state supposed to, on it's own, handle regulation against pollution from it's neighbors? How do they stop the state upstream? How do they they stop the state next door?

I do not agree that impacts states equally nor do I buy into the premise that states should have an equal say. We aren't seeing the tyranny of the majority, we are seeing the tyranny of the minority between the filibuster and the senate not being representative of the people.

As for the house I find it representative of the people in name only. By capping the total members we have done a gross injustice to people by letting the ratio of rep->constituant grow to an unreasonable number. Along with our two party system I certainly don't feel as if I'm represented by my senators or my rep.

Again, I understand how things currently "work", I'm just saying it's a shit status quo. I also understand this is just the opinion of a random person online and I'm not asking you to argue against it (though you're welcome to disagree).

You honestly think it's a good system to have congress be the ones legislating on every new way companies come up with to pollute?

> let it run wild.

We have very different definitions of "running wild".

All of this assume a functional congress which we absolutely don't have. I'm working with the cards dealt, you want to imagine some pie-in-the-sky idea of how congress should function. I agree it should function better but I don't see how letting companies pollute more is somehow a "win" and it certainly won't motivate the people in congress who don't even believe in climate change. All of this thinking seems to completely ignore that we need 60 senators to pass any legislation (due to the filibuster), a chamber of congress that is in no way representative of the people.

Absolutely not, and nobody (including SCOTUS in their ruling) says that they have to. Congress can still delegate authority to agencies, but at a certain point the agencies are limited in what they can do unilaterally without specific legislation.

> All of this assume a functional congress which we absolutely don't have. I'm working with the cards dealt, you want to imagine some pie-in-the-sky idea of how congress should function.

I agree that Congress is entirely dysfunctional. But I think that this sort of unconstitutional power that they've been so happy to delegate to the Executive has absolutely played a role in getting us the dysfunctional Congress we have today.

You can call it "pie-in-the-sky" but letting Congress continue to skate by without doing their jobs and letting Executive branch agencies unconstitutionally usurp the authorities of the other two branches is something I'm glad to see put to an end.

We can hold Congress accountable. I can't say the same for nameless, faceless bureaucrats.

A lot of the "it's the right interpretation" crowd seems to be completely uninterested in who gets hurt in the meantime and seem to look at it as if it's just cold logic executed in a vacuum. These ruling have real consequences and no amount of "congress should act" or "this was their job"-thinking will fix that. It also doesn't address the outsized power that some states/parties have, I grow less and less sure we are actually able to hold congress accountable.

Though I will say I hope for the future you foresee, I just can't see it becoming reality.

If democracy died every time somebody got mad at the outcomes and made claims like that, it would have been dead before it even started, and subsequently re-died every year since. What exactly was so democractic about SCOTUS permitting the executive branch to write their own laws anyway? Writing laws is meant to be the job of Congress. You can claim Congress is insufficiently democratic due to gerrymandering, but less democratic than the judicial and executive branches? Give me a break. Congress remains the most democratic of the three, and this SCOTUS decision gives power back to Congress.

> the US is far more polarized and contentious than it ever was before.

This is completely divorced from reality. Everything that has happened in the past 10 years is a mere candle to the bonfire that was the Civil War. You must be discounting datapoints you didn't live through if you really believe what you've said here. Shit man, the present state of affairs is tame even compared to the 60s and 70s.

The decision to even hear the case is radical and affirming would represent a massive shift away from democracy in the US as we know it.

>Issue: Whether a state’s judicial branch may nullify the regulations governing the “Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives ... prescribed ... by the Legislature thereof,” and replace them with regulations of the state courts’ own devising, based on vague state constitutional provisions purportedly vesting the state judiciary with power to prescribe whatever rules it deems appropriate to ensure a “fair” or “free” election.

[1] https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/moore-v-harper-2...

The court’s position that the executive cannot unilaterally govern by bending the rules is a good thing! The problem is that the line they draw is arbitrary - and they just insert their agenda at the boundary.

The perfect thus becomes the enemy of the good, because the court chose a questionable boundary and because the legislature is now responsible for passing the necessary laws - as they should. In reality, they won’t do that, but that’s not the court’s fault.

Now you can certainly make the argument that the court should stick with the precedent of deferring to the executive instead of the legislature (laws after all, cannot anticipate everything and the court can avoid having to create arbitrary boundaries). But that’s a conversation that’s got nothing to do with climate change or any specific outcome.

For comparison, how did you feel about the court deferring to the Trump executive? Was their rule bending something we want to see more of? If a liberal court broke with precedent in the same manner to restrict Trump from doing something crazy, would that be good?

HN is just a forum. Its not much different than Reddit, its just more moderated which I greatly appreciate. I think the people aren't stupid. Its just that people have grown up being told the Supreme Court was some non-partisan objective organization, when really is full of partisan hacks and law by very nature is political. Its hard to undo years of hearing the same thing.

If there's one thing I've learned in my life, is that a scary-high number of people who are supposed to be on my side, who are theoretically my people, are diametrically opposed to my entire life, and are merely pretending to tolerate my continued existence.

That's the reality a lot of people face, and the people who don't face that are completely oblivious to it.

You're definitely right that I shouldn't have assumed but it still hurts

So...like hedge fund operators?

~I'm~ a programmer tho so when they're bad it makes me sad :(

Like I said I know it's naive to think that

I spent a few years researching all viewpoints to figure out my position. Didn't realize I would be hated for thinking for myself.

As someone that supports far harsher emissions regulations than were in effect even before this ruling, is it too much to ask that laws should be clear? As others have pointed out, there's no limit to the danger posed by letting the executive branch creatively interpret legislation.

The courts are needed because interpretation of law is NOT cut and dry. But if interpretation is involved, it's going to be partisan. If it weren't partisan, these rulings by 6-3 majorities, formed by judges appointed by Republicans, wouldn't be so in line with Republican priorities.

It's not an "overly simplistic view."

> The purpose of SCOTUS isn’t to rule based on what the desired outcome is, it’s to rule based on what the law explicitly does say and is permitted to say per the Constitution

You make this sound like an objective function, which it is not. Judges can interpret the constitution differently, they can interpret written laws differently, and how the two relate can be subject to subjectivity as well.

I also question the premise. All government is beholden to the people, so while congress is supposed to pass laws that represent the will of the people, SCOTUS is ultimately supposed to interpret laws in a way that represents the will of the people as well -- THAT is its purpose. Roe's overturning is an example of that utterly failing.

I claim they have never done this. That every ruling has had an eye towards the outcome, whether stated or unstated, and that when they claim to be acting as mechanistic evaluators they are attempting to hide their interest in the effect they're having.

Besides, its a terrible idea. The real effects of their rulings matter much more than the philosophy.

But if you dont try and figure it out, you can't understand the world.

If you don't think its true, why not?

If that's your view, then we should just abolish courts. What's the point of having unelected legislators?

This is actually a modern take that was essentially created by Justice Scalia. I like the take ("textualism") in many ways but, to be clear, the SCOTUS has no such mandate.

Furthermore, I think looking at the recent decisions to uphold gerrymandered maps in Alabama and Louisiana should without a shadow of a doubt prove how partisan the court is.

And they can't claim to be "literalist" or "originalist" when deciding that border patrols duties are more important than the 4th ammendment

So if the supreme court is doing it then they're partisan QED

Also, please, one side is doing much more voter suppression than the other

Also, outcomes matter. If before a ruling, a group of people had rights, and after a ruling those people have fewer rights, the cause of the loss of those rights is the ruling.

That's a farcical excuse to achieve the desired outcome. If the only "acceptable expert advice" is 200 years old, then they're just being obstinate.

Your positivist legal philosophy is not shared by the Roberts Court.

> it’s not hard to see that the executive branch took action that the legislative branch never gave them

The dissenting opinion explicitly argues that Congress did explicitly grant the Executive to explicitly regulate GHG emissions, both the manner and the amount.

"The limits the majority now puts on EPA’s authority fly in the face of the statute Congress wrote. The majority says it is simply “not plausible” that Congress enabled EPA to regulate power plants’ emissions through generation shifting. Ante, at 31. But that is just what Congress did when it broadly authorized EPA in Section 111 to select the “best system of emission reduction” for power plants. The “best system” full stop—no ifs, ands, or buts of any kind relevant here. The parties do not dispute that generation shifting is indeed the “best system” the most effective and efficient way to reduce power plants’ carbon dioxide emissions. And no other provision in the Clean Air Act suggests that Congress meant to foreclose EPA from selecting that system; to the contrary, the Plan’s regulatory approach fits hand-in-glove with the rest of the statute. The majority’s decision rests on one claim alone: that generation shifting is just too new and too big a deal for Congress to have authorized it in Section 111’s general terms. But that is wrong. A key reason Congress makes broad delegations like Section 111 is so an agency can respond, appropriately and commensurately, to new and big problems. Congress knows what it doesn’t and can’t know when it drafts a statute; and Congress therefore gives an expert agency the power to address issues—even significant ones—as and when they arise. That is what Congress did in enacting Section 111. The majority today overrides that legislative choice. In so doing, it deprives EPA of the power needed—and the power granted—to curb the emission of greenhouse gases."

For my part, I cannot fathom how or why any regulatory state would make a distinction between individual power generator and the overall grid. They're inseparable.

Further, under the (never implemented) plan, power shifting was incentivized, earning the generators more ROI. Basically a financial life line for utilities.

So why are they complaining?

The reason isn't financial or environmental. The ideological reason is the dismantling of the administrative state. By inserting itself into the policy review process, the Roberts Court introduces confusion and delay, ultimately yielding inaction.

When contradictory evidence or arguments are present, it's easy to pick those that support your predetermined position and ignore those that don't. It's nothing to be proud of, and in fact it's usually considered shameful. In formal debate it's a sure route to an ignominious loss. Parallel construction is the equivalent in the legal world, and equally condemned. It's when the prosecution comes into possession of evidence illegally, and then makes up an alternative provenance or reasoning because admitting the truth would get their case summarily thrown out.

This is what the conservative wing of the supreme court has been doing. They're picking and choosing, highlighting pretty dubious arguments and ignoring those which its own principles (e.g. judicial restraint, stare decisis) would give more weight. It's even more despicable for them than it is for prosecutors. Anyone who praises the "consistency" of this decision is at best falling for the trick, or just as often repeating it themselves because the decision supports a view they held long before they ever heard of this case. This discussion is full of such motivated reasoning, as most here are, and I'm pretty sure that's the cause of parent's contempt. If this is truly supposed to be hacker news full of curious people and not just another political rag disguised as a tech-news site, you all need to do better.

It honestly makes me ashamed to be a programmer associating with this type of person whos completely incapable of understanding even the simplest social issue

That's a very biased take.

I think someone else said it better: what both the "progressive" and the "neocons" want is "a CCP-style political system as long as they're the ones in control" where "concepts like separation of powers and rule of law are merely obstacles to smash through on their road to utopia"

It's very rare than unconstitutional power grants are clawed back, so personally I see what's happening right now as a good precedent: it says the executive and the administration can't just wish into existence new laws or power grants: they have to operate within their existing bounds.

Deductive logic is totally applicable here. Otherwise, it gives you a situation where a president believes he can legally become judge, jury and executioner through executive order (pun intended) and order the army to execute US citizens by birthright through drone strikes.

Just because they are enemy combatants or some other convenient legal fiction doesn't make it a-ok.

The only reason why I come back is because the technical discussions are incredibly good.

Note that libertarianism leaves people free to care for others as much as they want to.

The American people are also the most generous in the world, by donations to charity.

I know that the popular view is the US is some sort of hellhole, but yet millions of people are trying to immigrate here, walking thousands of miles just to try.

"The American people are also the most generous in the world, by donations to charity." Why can't we just setup government programs to fill the in the gaps that charities provide?

There are a lot of people from Romania in the Seattle area, I am friends with some. I am not unacquainted with their stories of how bad things were there. All I can say is welcome to the US!

P.S. All my ancestors hail from various European countries that emigrated to the US, including Germany.